In 2004, the European Commission offered Turkey a formal invitation to begin negotiations for membership to join the European Union. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) had been in power for two years and was eager to validate Turkey as part of an exclusive club of democracies. Led by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the AKP was praised for its progressive accomplishments. Fast forward to 2018 and much has changed. Turkey, once a beacon of hope for democracy in the Middle East, has become a personalist dictatorship (Kendall-Taylor et al, 2017). (For more on undemocratic states see Chapter 3 and other states in the Middle East see Chapter 23.)

In 2001, with hopes of joining the European Union, Turkey abolished the death penalty (Erdoğan now is demanding its reinstatement), strengthened freedom of expression, and permitted broadcasts in Kurdish. Kurds were allowed to speak their own language and were acknowledged as a distinct group, having previously been referred to as ‘Mountain Turks’.  Five additional reform packages were passed after the Development and Justice Party (AKP), a moderate Islamist party, came to power in 2002. Turkey made more improvements to minority rights and increased judicial independence. In contrast to other Islamist parties, the AKP appeared to be committed to joining the European Union, and claimed that membership was consistent with their values. But after some European countries made it clear that Turkey would never actually join the EU, negotiations stalled in 2005 and Turkey’s descent back to authoritarianism accelerated. (For more on the role of international actors, see Chapter 7.) 

It is true that prior to trying to join the EU, Turkey had little experience with democracy.  After Turkey gained independence with the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Turkey was ruled by the charismatic Mustafa Kemal Atatürk from 1923 until his death in 1938. This was followed by many years of military dominance over civilian regimes and outright military rule on several occasions, most notably from 1980 to 1983. During the 1980s the Turkish regime, on the grounds that it was fighting a Kurdish insurgency in the south east of the country, was incredibly repressive, and the military’s power grew exponentially. The military is a stalwart defender of secularism and this devotion to secularism would eventually collide with the Islamic focused AKP. Buoyed by solid electoral support in 2007 and 2011, the AKP was able to push the rules of Turkey’s secular order. Restrictions on wearing headscarves were promoted in the name of freedom of expression. 

Early on the AKP was actively changing laws with little pushback. During Erdoğan’s first two years in office, the AKP government passed more than 500 laws. By the spring of 2007, Erdoğan felt confident enough to take on the military. In a political stand-off, the Turkish military made it clear that the military was not in favour of Abdullah Gul serving as the President, due to his strong Islamic beliefs. Erdoğan refused to fold to the military and called for new elections, which his party won with a broad coalition of supporters including Turks, Kurds, liberals, and business. Gul was then nominated to be Turkey’s 11th president. 

Emboldened, Erdogan started to purge more members of the military who were considered to be disloyal towards him. Political opponents were imprisoned and fines were levied on business owners who failed to support the AKP.

Since Erdoğan’s standoff with the military, the regime has encroached on other areas of democracy. Media and intellectual freedoms have been especially compromised. In the 2010s, media freedoms were severely curtailed. Websites could be blocked, internet users could be identified, and TV coverage was limited. During the 2013 Gezi Park protests alone, more than eighty journalists were fired. There are more journalists in jail in Turkey than Russia, Iran, or China. Turkey reportedly has the highest number of jailed journalists in the world, with 40 journalists imprisoned recently. Journalists have been silenced in reporting about sensitive issues: direct pressure comes from media owners and government officials and editors (Erdem, 2018),and there are thousands of lawsuits pending against journalists (The Guardian, 2016). Many in Turkey engage in self-censorship since it is not worth the risk. 

The judiciary has also suffered. In 2010, Erdoğan passed two-dozen constitutional changes via national referendum. The President received power to name fourteen of the seventeen Constitutional Court judges. Instead of the courts, the AKP-controlled legislature decides which parties are legal for elections. As many as 3,000 sitting judges were removed in 2014.  In 2015, the National Intelligence Organization (headed by a presidential appointee) had the power to collect ‘all information, documents or data from any entity in Turkey’ without having to seek judicial permission or submit to judicial review.

Erdoğan also transformed Turkey to a presidential system, in which he was publicly elected in August 2014 with about 50 per cent of the popular vote. An April 2017 referendum expanded his presidential powers and enabled him to stay in office potentially until 2029.  The referendum came on the heels of a July 2016 coup attempt, which justified his assertion that a strong leader was needed to ensure stability. Erdoğan used the failed coup attempt to personalize his power and purge the regime of dissidents, including anyone from his own party, the military, the media, and the judiciary. 

There is no doubt that Erdoğan has consolidated his rule and could lead Turkey indefinitely.  He has capitalized on his genuine popular support from the rural areas, and originally had a multi-class support in his efforts to join the European Union. Whether or not Turkey will be able to return to democracy is unknown. At present, it does not look too promising.

References

Erdem, B., 2018. Turkey’s Democratic Breakdown and Press Freedom. Global Media Journal, 16(30), p.112.

Kendall-Taylor, A., Frantz, E. and Wright, J., 2017. The Global Rise of Personalized Politics: It's Not Just Dictators Anymore. The Washington Quarterly, 40(1), pp.7-19.

The Guardian.  May 18th, 2016. Turkish journalist sued by state stripped of legal rights over her children https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/may/18/turkish-journalist-arzu-yildiz-sued-by-state-stripped-of-legal-rights-over-her-children Accessed October 29th, 2018

Critical thinking questions

• What factors explain why Turkey experienced an authoritarian reversal?
• In what ways has curbing military power been detrimental to democracy in Turkey?
• Why has Erdoğan been able to pass so much legislation?  What factors explain his popularity?
• Would European Union membership affect Turkey’s political development?