1. Of the four political dynamics enumerated above, why is the political will to rule democratically thought to be the most significant in understanding the developments of the Arab Spring?
Think back to social totality as one of the central elements of critical theory discussed in chapter 09. As indicated, social totality (p. 4) refers to the idea that derivative revolutionary ideas and facts are situated in larger political and social contexts and that their success is contingent on the maintenance of their links to said contexts. In chapter 09, the context for the revolutionary movement that has been named the ‘Arab Spring’ is captured through four elements: “(i) the political identity and political consciousness of the Arab people; (ii) the problematic limits of neoliberal policies; (iii) the political will to rule democratically or in accordance with the rule of law; and (iv) the role of social media” (p. 15). In addressing the above question, try to think through the revolutionary movement that is the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ as a social totality, by asking yourself how each of the four contextual elements reference above might embody a political will to rule democratically.
2. How would a critical theorist explain the limited influence of protests in bringing about social and political change in Arab states?
You might address this question on two fronts. The first returns us to critical theorists’ notions of social totality (p. 3). If the revolution was not successful in invoking the change it had demanded and proposed, to what extent might this indicate a disjunction between the revolutionary demands and ideas on the one hand, and their surrounding historical forces on the other? What might this tell us about the revolutionary project per se; i.e. was the revolutionary movement successful in formulating a holistic political project in its quest for justice?
The second lens through which to think through this question might be offered by one of the core thinkers of critical theory, Jürgen Habermas and his notion of communicative action (p. 5, 7-8). As a communicative model that bridges rational and constructivist approaches to meaning-making, and combines reasoning and moral argumentation, think about how such dynamics played out among the different actors and interest groups involved in the revolutionary movement. How might they have enhanced and restricted the successful implementation of the revolutionary demands and why?