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1. To what extent can George W. Bush, Barrack Obama, or Angela Merkel be considered tragic figures?
Think back to the origins of classical realism as rooted in Thucydides and his seminal work, The Peloponnesian War. As a central text in classical realism’s genealogy, it displays many aspects of the Ancient Greek theatrical world of tragedy and its parallels to the thought of classical realism appear throughout the chapter through notions of hubris (p. 13), tragedy (p. 20), and a cyclical notion of history (p. 19-20). Now try to locate these elements in the case study outlined above. How might the actions of Bush, Obama or Merkel display hubris in relation to the Iraq wars such that their downfall was foreseeable? What, if any, elements of these figures’ actions in relation to the Iraq war appear recurrent/cyclical when considered in relation to previous conflicts? Were the domestic and international consequences of these figures’ actions – particularly the threat of a fractured Iraqi state and the international threat posed by ISIS to this day – foreseeable? If so, who were the spectators able to offer such insight and why might they be found in figures other than Bush, Obama and Merkel themselves?
2. How would classical realists characterize the similarities and differences between American intervention in Vietnam and Iraq, and between both of those and Soviet intervention in Afghanistan?
In answering this question, it might be useful to reconsider classical realists’ understanding of interest (p. 3-4, 6-7) and power. Both are integral to discern what may have motivated international intervention in the proposed scenarios. Further you might consider the centrality of norms and justice for classical realists’ understanding of communal bonds (p. 10-13), both at the domestic and international level. Where might we see these norms and concomitant bonds most radically at stake? Who has a responsibility and capability to preserve said bonds and through which means? Finally, you might consider notions of bandwagoning and balance of power. Where, if at all, might previous allyships have resulted in eventual break-down?
3. To what extent does classical realism offer a useful framework for studying the rise of China and the response of the US and other developed states?
Here too, a consideration of interest in conjunction with classical realists’ understandings of justice as a core shaper thereof will help you. One way to approach this might be to consider on what grounds the US has issued sanctions in response to China over the past few years. Another may be to return to the classical realist understanding of ‘hegemonic war’ (p. 4). Consider what interests both China and the US as two hegemonic international powers may be pursuing; and how their respective understandings of justice shape these interests and structure the power relationship among them.