The end of la revanche des berceaux plus the fact that the vast majority of immigrants have chosen English as their adopted language. (p. 121)

The central characteristic of the new nationalism was a reliance on the Quebec state to achieve the economic, social, and political goals of Quebecers. The state would be used in an assertive way to shape Quebec society. Also, Quebec’s history was interpreted to be a story of domination by English Canada. (pp. 122–126)

One is the public’s right to be served by the federal government in the official language of their choice; a second was the equitable representation of Francophones and Anglophones in the federal public service; and a third was the ability of public servants of both language groups to work in the language of their choice. (p. 130)

Quebec’s distinctive linguistic characteristic does not warrant constitutional recognition of the province as a distinct society; constitutional recognition of distinct society status may result in Quebec getting increased powers not available to the other provinces; a gut feeling that distinct society status for Quebec undermines the idea of Canada—the two-nations idea of Canada has little resonance with them. (p. 131)

There is no reason to suggest that the proportion has changed significantly over the years. What has changed is the willingness of gays and lesbians to be open about their sexual orientation. Similarly, it is doubtful whether the incidence of Canadians with a disability is greater today than in the past. What has changed is our society’s ideas about what constitute disabilities and the legal definition of what counts as a disability for purposes of pensions, social assistance, etc. (pp. 134–135)

They are not as different as one might have expected. As in the Macdonald cabinet, Harper’s cabinet had an overwhelming majority with British or French origins. However, the Harper Cabinet had seven women and one Aboriginal, whereas Macdonald’s had none. (pp. 136–138)

It has taken place on two levels. On the psychological level, the evidence suggests that the failure of society to recognize the value of domestic work and child-rearing has generated a sense of low self-esteem and frustration among women. Further, the consciousness that is likely to be produced by the traditional roles of women is not likely to generate the motivations, interests, and personal resources for political activism. With respect to status and professional achievements, women have traditionally been underrepresented in the occupations from which political office-holders are typically drawn. And even when they have made it in those occupations, the expectation is that they will take time out from their professional work to care for children and home, thus placing them in a disadvantageous position with respect to men. (pp. 140–144)

Prior to the Charter, women’s groups had no success in the courts, with the notable exception of the Persons’ case. Since the Charter, the results have been mixed for women. In the first four years of the Charter, 44 cases of sexual discrimination under s. 15 were determined by the courts. Most of these cases were instigated by or on behalf of men. Only nine cases were equality claims made by women. Women were victorious in only some of these cases. Still, there were decisions that were major victories for women, including decisions on abortion and pay equity. (pp. 145–147)

The legal ownership of reserve land belongs to the crown, but the land and all the resources appertaining to it must be managed for the Aboriginal people living there. The relationship is a paternalistic one but in recent years the federal government has become less intrusive. Still, Aboriginal peoples expect the federal government, in particular, to act in their best interests. This is known as the guardian or fiduciary or trust-like relationship. (pp. 152–155)

Seven of the most prominent recommendations are as follows: the government should issue an official admission of wrongs done to Aboriginal people; the inherent right to self-government should be recognized by all governments as a constitutional right; natives should hold dual citizenship as Canadians and as citizens of Aboriginal communities; Aboriginal communities should be merged into 60–80 self-governing communities; an Aboriginal parliament should be created with an advisory role concerning all legislation affecting Aboriginal Canadians; the government should negotiate self-government with the Métis who should be allocated an adequate land base; Aboriginal representatives should participate in all future constitutional talks with a veto over any changes affecting Aboriginal rights; much more money should be spent on Aboriginal programs. (pp. 158–159)

The first phase concerns industrialization and democracy (during the nineteenth century) where women were mobilized around particular events and issues. This phase dealt with a lot of contradictions with what industrialization and democracy had created for women. This was also the time when issues were concentrated on political, legal, and social rights and reform. The Second phase saw changes in sexuality, secularism and economic. The third phase saw policies in civil rights, affirmative action programs, intellectual rights, and sexism. (pp. 140–144)

Political violence has been linked most often to unresolved disputes between groups of Aboriginal Canadians and public authorities. Examples include the Oka crisis, Ipperwash and standoffs such as Caledonia. (pp. 167–168).