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Short Answer Questions
1. What are the three explanations of Canadians’ political ideas and the institutions that embody them?
The explanations are as follows: (1) fragment theory, which says that New World societies were fragments of European societies. When immigrants came to Canada they brought with them their ideas and values, including those about politics; (2) formative events theory, which says that societies are marked by critical events at critical periods in their development which set them along a particular course; and (3) economic structures and political ideas, which says that the dominant ideas of society are inevitably those of the most powerful class, that is, those who control the means of production.
2. What is sovereignty-association? How is this different from separatism in Quebec?
Sovereignty-association is generally understood to mean a politically sovereign Quebec that would be linked to Canada through some sort of commercial union or free trade agreement. Separatism—or secession—is taken to mean complete political and economic independence.
3. List some of the overarching differences between Canadian and American political attitudes outlined in the chapter.
Some of the key arguments made about Canadian and American political attitudes is that the former prioritizes community, while the latter prioritizes the individual’s self-interest. Canadians tend to accept a more involved government, while Americans prefer limited government and greater civil liberties. In dealing with diversity, Canada has been described as a ‘mosaic,’ whereas the US is frequently called a ‘melting pot.’
4. What are the main differences between Canada and the United States in the gun control debate?
In the US, gun control legislation is seen as an infringement of one’s freedom. In Canada, few would argue this. Opponents in Canada tend to argue that the evidence that this legislation would be effective is not convincing. In the US, gun advocates argue that they need the right to bear arms in order to protect themselves against not only criminals but also the state. In Canada, this argument is not used, mainly because Canadians have a more positive attitude about the role of the state.
5. How do Canada and the United States compare when it comes to gender and racial equality? Is there a significant difference between the two countries in these two respects?
With respect to racial equality, it appears that racist sentiments are somewhat more pervasive in the US than in Canada. On the other hand, the US has a black President, a much higher percentage of black people hold public office in the US than in Canada, and that the number of black CEOs of the largest 1000 companies is greater than for the 1000 largest companies in Canada. The average incomes of black Canadians are about 80 per cent of white Canadians, roughly the same as in the US. With respect to gender, differences between Canada and the US are not great. In some cases, Canada tends to be more equal, while in others, the US tends to be more equal. The percentage of female legislators in each country’s national legislature is not very different and public opinion is almost identical in the two countries regarding relations between the sexes and the roles appropriate to each.
6. What is path dependence? Brainstorm examples of path dependence in world events of in your own life.
Path dependency is the idea that historical events impact subsequent events, attitudes, and culture that come after them. Examples of path dependency will vary based on examples you select from world events or from your own life. One example may include your own educational experiences that have led you to be reading this book.
7. How do path dependency models explain the development of the Canadian political culture?
The notion that the impact of key historical events and conditions on the development of Canadian political culture is an interesting, if not arguable, concept. For example, there is a credible alternative argument that suggests that given cultural, economic, social and political globalization political culture in Canada and other countries are starting to converge regardless of their past history. Further in the Canadian case, a further credible argument could be made that our current political culture has dramatically changed given the Charter of Rights and Freedoms (1982) and the changing focus of immigration policy toward non-traditional regions such as South Asia and China post the early 1970s.
8. Is there a Canadian political community?
A preoccupation of Canadian political science literature, particularly in the latter part of the twentieth and early twenty-first century, was on considering whether a true Canadian political community existed or could exist. Given regional, linguistic, socio-economic, and political differences the development of a cohesive “consciousness” has been a challenge for leaders in the country. The challenge of integrating a relatively small population into a cohesive political economy, given a large geographic territory with a variety of regions, that values plurality and diversity, is immense. An additional challenge in this development lies in the constitutionalization of the concept of multiculturalism in Canada.
9. What was Daniel Bell’s ‘end of ideology’ thesis? Is this thesis still valid today?
Bell’s ‘end of ideology’ thesis, crafted in the 1960s, posited that, despite the left-centre-right grid of political ideology, there was general consensus on certain political issues including the welfare state and a mixed economy. Brooks notes that in the half century since Bell’s thesis, some political commentators have dismissed the left-centre-right grid as an outdated and oversimplified tool for viewing political issues. You may agree or disagree that Bell’s thesis remains valid today; support whether this thesis is present or not in modern-day political discourse using evidence and your knowledge of world issues today.
10. What is the different between revolutionary and counter-revolutionary origins?
Lipset posits revolutionary and counter-revolutionary origins for the formation of political cultures in the US and Canada, respectively. The US was formed by the American revolution in 1776, and many of its dominant political views and attitudes (ie. prioritization of the individual, limited government, etc.) can be traced to its revolutionary origin. Argues Lipset, Canada was formed by a counter-revolution, as English Canada was initially populated by Loyalists who were opposed to the revolution in the US.
11. Why should the cultural mosaic and melting pot theses for Canada and the United States, respectively, be accepted with caution?
With respect to the US, Brooks points out that a combination of government policy and court decisions has steered the country away from the melting pot and towards the cultural mosaic society. Further, work by Breton and Reitz shows that the differences between Canada and the US are more apparent than real. In their view, there is almost no empirical basis for Canadians’ belief that they are less assimilationist than the US.
12. List and describe some of the tensions outlined in the chapter that have threatened Canada’s sense of community.
Examples listed in the chapter include the French-English linguistic divide, grievances of Western Canada against Ontario and Quebec, and grievances of Indigenous peoples against both provincial and federal governments and their policies. You may also think of other divides, or ‘fault lines,’ both new and old, that exist within Canada from the previous chapter.
13. What does Brooks mean when he says that Canada has been characterized as a two-fragment society?
‘Two-fragment society’ refers to the idea that French and English Canada were established in two very different ways. French Canada arose from an influx of immigrants from France who brought Catholicism and feudalism with them. Conversely, English Canada was initially populated overwhelmingly by Loyalists fleeing America after its independence who wanted to remain under the rule of the British crown.
14. How have the American and Canadian governments reacted with regards to individual rights and freedoms post-9/11?
Following the 9/11 bombings both countries moved quickly to strengthen and increase the instruments each government had to insure citizen security. What differed from the past was a concern not just for the potential of external military attacks, which had been the traditional focus of both countries, but a more broadly effort at what has been termed “human security.” Both governments passed legislation (US—Patriot Act, Canada—Anti-Terrorism Act) to operationalize strengthening not just military and intelligence capacity but also to insure the security of infrastructure such as water, electricity, food, air, etc. This more holistic approach that changed the concept of security has been expensive and extensive in both countries.
15. Explain the conclusion made by Brooks about how the value differences between Canada and the United States are not very great, yet neither are they inconsequential.
Brooks concludes that the value differences between Canada and the US are small, especially when compared to the differences between Canada and most other Western democracies. However, Brooks says that the debate about large or small differences between Canada and the US is in reality rooted in the precarious sense of national identity held by English Canadians. That identity has always been based on the premise that the differences are significant and that, therefore, Canada and the US are not united under one constitution and should not be united.
Essay Questions
1. Support for the separation of Quebec from Canada has been declining. Do you think there are inherent factors within the province/country’s political culture that have caused this decline?
You could discuss the effects on the separatist movement in Quebec of the referenda defeats, the Supreme Court’s secession reference that resulted in the Clarity Act, economic issues within Quebec, inconsistent political success of the Parti Québécois provincially and the demise of the Bloc Québécois federally and the lack of a charismatic champion of the separatist efforts in the shadows of Lévesque, Parizeau, and Bouchard. It may also be interesting to see how the political culture in Quebec has been affected by the failed efforts of separatists within the province post the Quiet Revolution.
2. Do you agree with Seymour Martin Lipset that the political development of the United States has been shaped by its revolutionary origins, while that of English Canada has been shaped by its counter-revolutionary origins?
To adequately answer this essay you would have to examine the historical roots of the development of the American and Canadian political cultures and analyze the differences and similarities. Further, it would be necessary to examine the contemporary influences on each country’s political development and judge whether these have affected each country to the extent that the traditional idea that one can assess each based on history.
3. What are the similarities and differences between classical and contemporary liberalism, conservatism, and socialism? What are influencing factors that would motivate such similarities and differences?
The chapter contains an excellent chart to assist with an analysis of the similarities and differences among liberalism, conservatism, and socialism. The chart compares classical and contemporary versions of each ideology for several factors.
4. Do you agree with Justin Trudeau’s 2015 statement that “there is no core identity, no mainstream in Canada”? Explain why or why not using evidence from the chapter, and your own knowledge, to support your view.
Answers will vary based on your perspective on Trudeau’s statement, as well as the evidence that you choose to support your point from the textbook and from your own knowledge. Arguing for Trudeau’s statement, you may choose to argue that the chapter has outlined the many ways that Canada is different from America, but not what makes Canada unique in its own right. You may also choose to look at Canada as a ‘mosaic’ of distinct identities, lacking a uniform Canadian identity. Arguing against Trudeau’s statement, examples may include the multitude of examples listed in the chapter of how Canada is distinct from its neighbor, the United States, as well as other countries and how it has a unique political culture and attitudes derived from this. There may also be other symbols of Canada – politeness, hockey, Tim Hortons coffee – that are commonly associated with Canadians, especially outside of Canada, that could form the identity that Trudeau says is lacking.
5. Select a historical event mentioned in the chapter (i.e. the British conquest of New France in 1763 or the 1837 rebellion) and describe in what ways it has shaped Canadian political culture.
Answers will vary based on the historical event that you select, however, responses should incorporate the concept of path dependency; events that took place centuries ago have greatly impacted events, attitudes, and overall political culture that have emerged afterward. For example, the British conquest of New France in 1763 has greatly shaped the political culture of French-speaking Canada, as Brooks describes in the chapter. You could argue that this specific event, through path dependency, later gave way to ‘La Survivance’ and the protection of French Canada’s religion and language, among other impacts.